http://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/issue/feedPerspective Politice2024-12-19T11:19:23+02:00Perspective Politiceperspective@politice.roOpen Journal Systems<p><em>Perspective Politice / Political Perspectives (PP)</em> is an international, open access, peer reviewed annual journal published in print and digital format by the<a href="https://politice.ro/ro/reviste-fsp"> Faculty of Political Sciences</a> of the <a href="https://snspa.ro/cercetare/reviste-academice/">National University of Political Studies and Public Administration</a> in Bucharest. PP welcomes articles in all fields of social and political sciences, aiming to cover the latest developments regarding political currents and ideologies, theoretical models, and research methods, in order to establish a space of dialogue where academics and intellectuals can shape and enhance their ideas. The topics accepted by <em>Perspective Politice</em> include, but are not limited to internal and international political analysis, rational choice theory, comparative politics, institutionalism, political theory, ethics, history of political thought, law and administrative studies, and political communication. Polemical exchanges between authors, built around methodological approaches or research results, are encouraged, given that they can add clarity and relevance to our academic field.</p> <p><em>PP </em>is <a href="http://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/abstractandindexing">indexed</a> in several databases and is archived in the Legal Repository of the National Library of Romania.</p> <p>(Print) ISSN 1841-6098</p> <p>(Online) ISSN 2065-8907</p> <p>ISSN-L 1841-6098</p>http://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/264Connecting the Dots, Taking a Stand: Universities, Democracy and Gender Equality Policies2024-12-19T10:25:36+02:00Diana Elena NEAGAdiana_elena_neaga@yahoo.com<p><span class="fontstyle0">Gender equality is a core EU value stated in Articles 2 and 3(3) of the Treaty on European Union and Article 21 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Important steps have been taken in this respect at the EU level, with new and innovative methods and instruments being provided for the member states in the process of the know-how and best practice transfer. Promoting gender equality has become, little by little, a strategic approach in the E.U. but has also been an important field of ideological battles. In consequence, making gender equality public policies is not an easy </span><span class="fontstyle0">task, especially in a conservative (even anti-gender) context. At the same time, legal and institutional change within public administration, as well as mainstreaming gender in public policies, and specific gender equality policies cannot be done without strong political will. However, the legitimacy of the political will is based on the democratic connection between elected politicians and the citizens, and in conservative/anti-gender and neoliberal contexts, different strategies are used to keep women’s interests out of the negotiation and renegotiation of the citizenship contract. Starting from here, in this paper I will first give arguments to support the idea that universities are becoming an important link that can and should </span><span class="fontstyle0">bridge the gap described above. Second, I will briefly present how two important Romanian Universities – Bucharest University and the National School of Political and Administrative Studies SNSPA – have been involved in building legitimacy for gender equality public policies.</span> </p>2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Diana Elena NEAGAhttp://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/257National, Community, and Individual Resilience – From Uncertainty to Unity Amid War: The Israeli Case – Operation Iron Swords, 20232024-12-19T09:43:31+02:00Avi BITZURavibitzur@gmail.com<p><span class="fontstyle0">The resilience and stability of human society, be it of the individuals or the communities comprising it, depend on several key variables. At times, these variables are influenced by internal forces, such as the economy, social cohesion, and mutual responsibility; at times, they are influenced by the perceptions of the individual – as a product of one’s upbringing, education, and values; and at times, </span><span class="fontstyle0">these variables are affected by external forces, such as existential threats facing the nation. The latter will be at the heart of this essay, which will delve into Israel </span><span class="fontstyle0">as a nation on the brink of social collapse over the government’s push for a radical judicial overhaul. What seemed like an unbridgeable internal divide, however, was immediately sidelined on October 7, 2023, when the Hamas terrorist group launched an unprecedented onslaught against Israel, with a massacre that left 1,400 people dead. That bloody morning, which plunged Israel into war, saw all sectors of Israeli society band together immediately, rising like the legendary phoenix to stand united against those seeking its destruction and proving Israel’s national resilience as a force to be reckoned with. This shift – from distress to determination </span><span class="fontstyle0">– will be the main focus of this analysis. Is there such a thing as “inherent” national resilience? Looking at the British people during World War II, when they </span><span class="fontstyle0">came together to keep calm and carry on during the attacks by Nazi Germany, the </span><span class="fontstyle0">answer could be “Yes,” as the national strength exhibited seemed ingrained in the </span><span class="fontstyle0">British character. Still, other nations seem to lack this type of “backbone” and </span><span class="fontstyle0">must therefore develop “acquired resilience” via defense training, active and passive defenses, vaccinations, etc. Does this claim stand the test of time and reality </span><span class="fontstyle0">as it appears to manifest in the Israeli case? This essay will focus on resilience as </span><span class="fontstyle0">a basic and central concept around which the circles of society move. It will present the variables influencing the nature of resilience and their effect on the quantity, quality, and reality of resilience, in any given country at the level of an individual, the community, and the nation. To analyze these concepts, I will present the </span><span class="fontstyle0">Israeli case of 2023 to examine the fundamental question of whether an external </span><span class="fontstyle0">threat is key to a nation’s unity, social cohesion, and the formation of a strong and stable communal, individual, and national core able to ward off such threats. I will also delve into the question of how, in the absence of inherent resilience – as in the British case – can a society, such as the Israeli society, preserve the cohesion and resilience it has acquired amid a military conflict.</span></p>2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Avi BITZURhttp://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/267Leaving at All Costs: Implications of the Italy-Libya Border-Externalization Policy on Migrant Smuggling and Trafficking Facilitation2024-12-19T10:48:10+02:00Mitterand M. OKORIEs230203647@mandela.ac.zaUchenna OKEJAs230203647@mandela.ac.za<p>The literature on EU’s border-externalization practices in Africa is ample but the case of Italy-Libya’s Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) and its implications on African lives has received insufficient attention. Between 2014 and 2016, Nigerian nationals were the second-highest number of boat arrivals in Italy via Libya – a number that significantly reduced following the implementation of the MoU and related EU migration management initiatives in Africa. In<br>light of the above, an important question arises: has this extra-territorialization of EU borders in Africa merely prevented Nigerians from arriving their destination or has it also stopped them from initiating the perilous journey? Relying on indepth interviews from relevant stakeholders, we evaluate how migration and anti-trafficking experts in Nigeria interpret the effect of EU’s extraterritorialization policies in curbing irregular migration from Nigeria. The findings of the study suggest that while border externalization measures have reduced the odds of successfully arriving the destination country – Italy – they do not prevent irregular migration and trafficking facilitation from Nigeria to Libya.</p>2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Mitterand M. OKORIE, Uchenna OKEJAhttp://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/260Economic Inequality and Social Welfare Policies in Latvia and Lithuania: Assessing the Impact on Vulnerable Populations2024-12-19T10:00:31+02:00Catalin-Gabriel DONEgabriel.done@esga.roRomans GAGUNOVSromans.gagunovs@rsu.lv<p><span class="fontstyle0">This study examines economic inequality in Latvia and Lithuania, focusing on the impact of social welfare policies on vulnerable groups in these countries. Motivated by growing concerns over socio-economic disparities in post-Soviet states, the research evaluates the effectiveness of government interventions in reducing these inequalities. The introduction contextualizes the </span><span class="fontstyle0">socio-economic conditions of Latvia and Lithuania, stressing the importance of tackling economic inequality. A literature review summarizes previous research on the subject and identifies gaps that this study addresses. The methodology employs a mixed-methods approach, combining quantitative data from national statistics with qualitative analysis of policy documents and previous studies. The findings highlight significant differences in inequality levels and the varying success of social welfare policies in both countries. The study identifies key vulnerable populations, including the elderly, unemployed, minorities, and low-income families, who are most affected by economic inequality. The discussion compares these findings with prior research and critiques current policies. The study concludes with policy recommendations for improving social welfare measures, emphasizing the need for targeted interventions and comprehensive reforms. </span><span class="fontstyle0">By offering a comparative analysis, the research provides valuable insights for policymakers, scholars, and social advocates, advocating for tailored policies that address the specific socio-economic contexts of Latvia and Lithuania while promoting equity and social justice.</span> </p>2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Catalin-Gabriel DONE, Romans GAGUNOVShttp://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/270Perception Towards Immigration in Romania and Bulgaria2024-12-19T11:12:36+02:00Vladimir PRIPPvlpripp@gmail.com<p><span class="fontstyle0">Migration is an extensively researched global phenomenon. However, most studies have focused on Western countries with strong economies while migration to less economically developed countries remain largely undocumented. Former communist countries from Europe, which have experienced a population exodus in the last decades, only recently became places of interest for migrants. With migration to less developed countries being a relatively newer phenomenon, the available data predominantly consists of raw figures which focus on counting the number of immigrants. There is a lack of qualitative research focusing on aspects such as the impact on the receiving </span><span class="fontstyle0">countries and the livelihood of the immigrants in these receiving countries. Important issues, such as the impact on the receiving countries, have not been </span><span class="fontstyle0">studied. Thus, the main issue with this subject is the lack of data and literature. This research, which analyses the immigration phenomenon from Romanians’ and Bulgarians’ perspectives, provides valuable insights into the aforementioned domain by presenting not only citizens’ attitudes toward immigration but also predictors of negative and positive attitudes toward this phenomenon. This paper provides an indepth analysis of factors influencing attitudes toward migrants. The research method utilized is secondary data analysis. For this research, I used the Eurobarometer 98.2 for which the data was </span><span class="fontstyle0">collected between January and February 2023. Firstly, I presented the general attitudes toward migration by employing frequencies and crosstabs. Afterward, by using regression and factorial analyses, I identified the attitude predictors toward immigration. Romanians and Bulgarians have mixed feelings about migration. Age, gender and education are strong predictors of attitudes toward migrants. The findings are interesting because, partially, they reject the idea that Romanians and Bulgarians discriminate against migrants. The insights from this study not only address a gap in the existing literature but also have the potential to inform the development of public policies aimed at facilitating migrant integration.</span> </p>2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Vladimir PRIPPhttp://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/265The Historical-Institutional Evolution and the Political Dynamics of the European Union’s Environmental Policy2024-12-19T10:53:24+02:00Gianluca LUISEgianluca.luise@unina.it2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Gianluca LUISEhttp://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/258The Influence of the Ukrainian Conflict on Romanian, Polish and Bulgarian Security and Defence Policies2024-12-19T09:48:00+02:00Cristian-Stefan CATRINAcatrinacristian@ymail.com<p><span class="fontstyle0">The Ukrainian conflict highlights the recurrent nature of conflicts in human history and their profound impact on societies. Although the post-World War II period was relatively stable, the invasion of Ukraine by Russia marked the end of this apparent stability. </span><span class="fontstyle0">The theoretical framework of the study is rooted in realism in international relations, which focuses on power and national security. This perspective is </span><span class="fontstyle0">used to understand the actions of the states involved in the Ukrainian conflict. The study explores the causes of the conflict and the responses from NATO and the European Union, emphasizing how the war has prompted European states to reassess defence priorities and strengthen alliances. </span><span class="fontstyle0">A significant part of the study details the specific changes in the security and defence policies of Romania, Poland, and Bulgaria. Romania and Poland have notably increased their defence budgets and requested additional NATO troops. Poland has modernized its defence infrastructure and boosted domestic arms production. In contrast, Bulgaria has taken a more passive approach, with fewer initiatives to revitalize its defence industry. </span><span class="fontstyle0">The study’s conclusions partially confirm the initial hypotheses, highlighting the increased defence budget allocations in Romania and Poland, but not in Bulgaria. There also are challenges regarding recruiting military personnel and adapting national security strategies. All in all, the responses of the states to the conflict are closely linked to their threat perceptions and specific national interests.</span> </p>2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Cristian-Stefan CATRINAhttp://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/268Totem and Taboo: Religious Features of the British Public Support for Monarchy2024-12-19T11:03:51+02:00Brindusa PALADEbtpalade@gmail.com<p><span class="fontstyle0">As Christopher Hitchens remarked in his book about the British monarchy, the cult of the Windsor family, with its periodic rituals and the fetishizing of the most senior royals resembles a secular religion. The British monarchy is surrounded by secrecy, as many actions of the sovereign and senior royals, including those having a public or political impact are not transparent, nor are most records from the royal archives available to the public or to historians. This paper will first examine the religious features of the public support for the British monarchy. Then, it will advance a hypothetical explanation of the enduring nature of this institution through its mysterious/religious nature. It will also consider the fact that in </span><span class="fontstyle0">recent decades the image of the Windsor family has been harmed by numerous scandals related to adultery, divorce, sexual abuse and even racism. Notwithstanding this ignominious behavior, the royal mystique has been preserved with the aid of a press that seems profitably interested in rousing public devotion to the monarch and in demonizing scapegoats. The proestablishment media, including the tabloids that combine the sacred with the profane, is thus similar to a secular clergy. Republican dissenters who advocate the abolition of monarchy play the role of heretics. They are often persecuted, arrested and derided. There is also the “religiously indifferent” population that is uninterested in the Royal Family. British “public religion” is thus a peculiar kind of pre-modern cult that strangely survived the Enlightenment and the challenges of liberal democracy. Such values are promoted within civil society especially by the British pressure group Republic, whose campaign for changing the form of government has gained more visibility and support in recent years.</span> </p>2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Brindusa PALADEhttp://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/261The Roles of Populism: Stability or Threat to Society?2024-12-19T10:06:11+02:00Irina-Ana DROBOTanadrobot@yahoo.com<p><span class="fontstyle0">The purpose of the present paper is to understand whether populism helps ensure social stability or poses a threat to it. In order to answer this research question, the paper relies on examining definitions and types of populism using some examples from around the world. This helps us understand the international, historical and political context in which populism appears. Populism has been seen as </span><span class="fontstyle0">emerging in reply to crises in society. The response is a criticizing and rebellious one, wishing to bring changes. Populist parties can also lead to crises in society. The methodology section analyses the particular case of AUR party in Romania, based on its values, principles, and actions, and the way it resonates with definitions of populism. AUR was chosen for analysis since it embodies both tendencies, ensuring social stability in response to a crisis of values and lack of cohesion of the Romanians, and leading to social unrest through shocking questioning of values supported by the establishment, such as respect for minority groups, which are in their turn having as a purpose ensuring social cohesion. The data is collected from information on </span><span class="fontstyle0">the party’s site, in the media, and in previous research. The values and actions of AUR are not completely anti-establishment, and communication is adapted to various contexts and social classes.</span> </p>2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Irina-Ana DROBOThttp://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/271Populism and Technocracy: Pillars of Postwar Representative Democracy in Europe2024-12-19T11:16:10+02:00Rares-Bogdan ROSULESCUrares-bogdan.rosulescu.21@politice.ro<p><span class="fontstyle0">The established representative democracy in Europe is facing growing challenges. In a rapidly evolving landscape that resolves some crises while encountering new ones, two movements – populism and technocracy – are emerging as alternatives to the traditional party-based system. This article investigates the interaction between these movements and representative democracy, focusing on how they influence and potentially transform the current political framework. </span><span class="fontstyle0">My objective is to determine whether the (re)emergence of these movements signifies the decline of representative democracy or if they will instead reshape it and become integral components of the system.</span> </p>2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Rares-Bogdan ROSULESCUhttp://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/256International Relations in the 21st Century: The Role of Track-Two Diplomacy in Conflict Resolution2024-12-19T09:37:51+02:00Dare Isaac AKINDOYINdare.akindoyin@augustineuniversity.edu.ng<p>Track-Two Diplomacy has emerged as a vital tool in contemporary international relations for resolving conflicts. This form of diplomacy involves unofficial channels, often involving non-governmental actors, to complement official diplomatic efforts. In today’s complex global landscape, where traditional state-centric approaches often fall short, Track-Two diplomacy offers a flexible and innovative approach to conflict resolution. Adopting the communication theoretical framework of international relations which emphasizes the pivotal role of communication processes in shaping global interactions and outcomes, the study explores the role of track-two diplomacy efforts towards conflict resolution while analyzing the Aceh, Indonesian conflict and the Kashmir conflict between India and Pakistan. The paper finds that Track Two diplomacy efforts has provided a platform for addressing the sensitive issues which the official channels has long overlooked in the two conflicting case studies. The research paper conclude that amidst the several shortcomings and limitations of Track-two Diplomacy, its major advantage is its capacity to engage a wide array of stakeholders, including those who may be marginalized or excluded from<br>official negotiations in conflicting situations. The study recommends ‘enhance communication channels’; That is, the Establishment of a system of communication that is consistent and dependable amongst parties involved in a disagreement and the ‘Incorporation of Local Knowledge and Expertise; that is the Utilizing the insights and proficiency of individuals inside the local community who possess a deep understanding of the cultural, social, and political intricacies of the issue.</p>2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Dare Isaac AKINDOYINhttp://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/266Persuasive Effects of Nonverbal Elements in Interpersonal Communication2024-12-19T10:37:37+02:00Sebastian-Claudiu NISTORsebastian.nistor.23@drd.snspa.ro<p>Nonverbal elements play a fundamental role in interpersonal communication, giving expressiveness to social interactions. The main objective of this study is to provide a theoretical perspective on how nonverbal elements influence a conversation from the very first moments of an interaction. Although they often play an informative and constructive role in communication, there are situations in which such elements can play a persuasive role, for example when aiming to dominate a conversation, or when trying to determine people to act in a certain way. This article highlights both types of roles. In doing so, various communication situations, as discussed in the literature, are examined. Nonverbal elements analysed here are gestures, facial expressions and eye contact/gaze. Based on current literature in the field, I assumed that nonverbal elements may cause interlocutors to become vulnerable to persuasion when they are engaged in a dialogue or to adopt certain behaviors depending on the sender’s intentions. For this purpose, I conducted a qualitative experiment involving 16 people, aged between 20 and 42. The findings of this study have shown that nonverbal elements could be used for persuasive purposes. In addition, the results highlight and provide new ways of empirical investigation of these persuasive effects of nonverbal elements, proposing innovative approaches in the field of nonverbal communication, and thus in the evolution/development of civil society</p>2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Sebastian-Claudiu NISTORhttp://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/259Is Romania Factoring in Environmental Goals in its Official Development Assistance to Recipient Countries?2024-12-19T09:53:08+02:00Andrei COPACEANUandrei.copaceanu10@gmail.com<p><span class="fontstyle0">Official Development Assistance (ODA) refers to the provision of financial and technical resources by developed countries to support the economic, social, and environmental development of recipient nations, the undeveloped countries. This article explores Romania’s efforts in promoting ODA, focusing particularly on how it integrates environmental sustainability into development programs for recipient countries. </span><span class="fontstyle0">By analysing Romania’s ODA strategies in areas such as natural resource management and marine geology, the study highlights the crucial relationship between donor countries like Romania and the environmental challenges faced by beneficiary nations. Through these efforts, Romania aims to contribute to the achievement of global sustainable development goals and improve environmental practices in recipient countries. </span><span class="fontstyle0">The article highlights how Romania’s ODA projects integrate environmental aspects such as natural resource management and marine geology. It </span><span class="fontstyle0">will also consider the importance of local communities’ awareness and involvement in conserving natural resources and marine ecosystems. </span><span class="fontstyle0">Through qualitative research including case studies and content analysis, the article analyses the results of projects carried out by Romania in various recipient countries. The article also explores the challenges encountered in implementing these projects and proposes optimizing future strategies. The importance of international collaboration and sustainable partnerships in addressing global environmental issues is highlighted. </span><span class="fontstyle0">This analysis of the variable related to natural resource management and marine geology brings into question the contributions of Romania’s ODA projects in building a sustainable and resilient future for recipient states, which are achievable in the context of preserving natural resources, conserving marine habitats, protecting vulnerable species and promoting sustainable development. This study aims to contribute to understanding how ODA donors such as Romania can positively influence environmental policies and prac</span><span class="fontstyle0">tices in partner countries, thereby strengthening the shared commitment to a more sustainable and equitable future.</span></p>2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Andrei COPACEANUhttp://perspective.politice.ro/index.php/ppol/article/view/269Exploring the Interplay between Apocalyptic and Millenarian Narratives within Populist Ideologies2024-12-19T11:08:45+02:00Adrian POPOVICIpopovici.adrian.ioan05@gmail.com<p><span class="fontstyle0">This paper delves into the intricate relationship between apocalyptic and millenarian narratives and populist ideologies and narratives. Drawing upon interdisciplinary perspectives from sociology, political science, and cultural studies, this research examines how apocalyptic visions of societal collapse and millenarian hopes for a utopian future intertwine and manifest within populist discourse. </span><span class="fontstyle0">Through an analysis of historical and contemporary examples, including political speeches, media representations, and online communities, this study elucidates how populist leaders and movements employ apocalyptic rhetoric to galvanize support, mobilize followers, and construct collective identities. Moreover, it investigates the ways in which apocalyptic aspirations are utilized within populist narratives to promise transformative change and mobilize grassroots activism. </span><span class="fontstyle0">By scrutinizing the ideological underpinnings and rhetorical strategies employed by populist actors, this paper contributes to a deeper understanding of the intersection between apocalyptic anxieties, millenarian visions, and </span><span class="fontstyle0">populist politics in contemporary society. Additionally, it sheds light on the implications of these narratives for democratic governance, social cohesion, and political participation, offering insights into the dynamics of power, authority, and resistance within populist movements.</span></p>2024-12-19T00:00:00+02:00Copyright (c) 2024 Adrian POPOVICI